The death of normalcy

By Monzurul Huq writes from Tokyo
23 August 2004, 18:00 PM
In recent days a heated debate has been going on in Bangladesh among groups of intellectuals on the vital issue of if our country has turned into a dysfunctional state or not. Both sides claim to have their own logical grounds to justify their respective positions that run completely opposite to each other, and there is no shortage of citations from academics and scholars from Western countries to justify the position that each camp holds. The debate was first ignited by an opinionated piece written by the editor of Prothom Alo, where he hinted that the way things are moving in the functioning of the government in Bangladesh carries the risk of turning our country into a weak and vulnerable state facing the possibilities of falling further down the black hole of dysfunction.

His comment was mostly in response to a feature article published in Time magazine earlier, claiming Bangladesh to be running the risk of turning into an international outcast. The fact that the Time article was written by a journalist whose name suggests Indian origin prompted some members of the "shining Bangladesh" group to come to a quick conclusion that the whole issue is another Indian ploy aimed at undermining the tremendous pace of development that Bangladesh is going through. But the main point that the critics overlooked was the simple fact that the article made its suggestion on the basis of rapidly deteriorating law and order situation that runs the risk of inviting further chaos if not addressed in time. The article also reminded readers that such an outcome could open the door to dysfunction.

The Prothom Alo editor simply stressed further on that particular point to make his own conclusion and the mere prediction by the editor was enough for the of "shining Bangladesh" side to initiate their vigorous attack against the dysfunction camp by claiming that as a nation state we have the potentiality of not only overcoming all difficulties, but also can stand as an example to those who face the real threat of falling out of the safety net of a functional state.

As for us, the expatriates, there is nothing that we can do in this debate except watching from a distance. But watching any game from a distance has an added virtue as well. This allows the spectators to hold a neutral position and judge fairly the overall performance even when two sides get locked in battle that spills over beyond the pitch. This is probably the advantage that we are enjoying right now as we keep an eye on the overall situation back at home.

To our utter surprise, we find most of those belonging to the shining camp are coming either from the band that opposed the creation of Bangladesh as an independent state or from among those who were hyperactive during the initial days of the newly emerged state to make breathing difficult for the newborn. These two groups are also among those who benefited most due to the changes in 1975, and probably feel it obligatory to disclaim even the slightest touch of failure on the part of those who became an active part of the political process of Bangladesh after the tragic incident that brought about the changes.

It has become much easier for us to keep a watchful eye on things happening in Bangladesh due to the spread of the Internet. In countries like Japan, Bangladeshi expatriates enjoy the privilege of reading a number of daily newspapers much before they reach subscribers' homes in Dhaka or elsewhere. As a result, it has become utterly difficult to fool the expatriates with the fictitious claims that everything is running smoothly back at home, the country is prospering at a booming pace never seen before, and the advent of Islamic fundamentalism is kept under strict control by allowing the fundamentalists to join the government. This is precisely the argument that the "shining Bangladesh" group is trying the feed us with.

Meanwhile, as we open one after another daily newspapers on the Internet on a regular basis, the news we get is that of kidnapping, hijacking, extortion of money, the circus being performed by numerous strange characters called by their equally strange names like that of Bangla Bhai and few others, and the systematic and regular killing of those who believe that a change of this gloomy situation is not possible without a change of guard at the top. In short, the government is failing miserably in performing the most crucial role that makes a country functional in all respects, which is providing security to its citizens.

A country never becomes dysfunctional due to its failure on the diplomatic front or due to propaganda campaign being launched by outsiders. Somalia collapsed under the weight of its own dysfunctional leadership and the same was the case in Afghanistan under the Taliban and Mobuto's Zaire. Pakistan was fortunate enough to find a temporary breathing space thanks to September 11. Elements of dysfunction always run deep inside a country and a failure to locate that symptom in time can only make things worse.

What happened at the Awami League rally last Saturday is a stark reminder that for too long our government kept eyes shut despite the symptoms being pointed out by those who do not have the intention to harm the country, but to help her at a time when a dark cloud of uncertainty covers the sky. And as we open page after page of national dailies on the Internet, we cannot help but mourn the death of normalcy back at home. If this systematic destruction of normalcy, when a group of bandits rampage through the streets in broad daylight throwing grenades and firing gunshots aiming at innocent unarmed civilians just as we have seen on TV happening in the streets of the Haitian capital a few months ago, is not an early sign of dysfunction, what else then there should be? If this tragic incident fails to awake those in power from their deep sleep, then complete dysfunction might not be that far on the horizon.