Ensuring success of the dialogue

The people, the media, and the foreign diplomats in the country have welcomed the initiation of the dialogue. Admittedly, it will be a hard task for the two secretary generals to arrive at a consensus on some crucial proposals. People's expectations, however, are running high and they believe that sincerity of purpose and placing national interests above the narrow interests of party will enable the two sides to arrive at some sort of a consensus on the crucial issues. They also believe that this dialogue will ensure a free, fair election with participation of all political parties.

While sharing the expectations of the people, we may, first of all, have a look at the problems that may stand in the way of success of the secretary general-level dialogue.

First, although the general secretary of the AL has placed 31-point reform proposals, the crucial issues that will require consensus if the dialogue is to be successful are: (i) appointment of the chief adviser to the non-party caretaker government (CTG); (ii) reconstitution of the Election Commission (EC); and (iii) placing the Defence Services under the NCG during its tenure. Many political analysts fear that reaching a consensus on these issues might be difficult.

Second, BNP has to frequently consult its partners in the government, the major partner Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in particular, to reach an agreement on the crucial proposals forwarded by the AL-led opposition coalition. The JI, which opposed the dialogue between BNP and AL only, has grudgingly agreed to the talks between the secretary general of BNP and the general secretary of AL.

The JI chief and Minister Matiur Rahman Nizami in his speech on Parliament on October 4 attached five conditions to the talks: (i) to uphold the constitution; (ii) not to introduce unconstitutional changes in constitutional institutions; (iii) to keep the talks unconditional; (iv) not to use the dialogue as a means to impede the country's multi-party democratic culture; and (v) to align any electoral reform with the mandate given to the 4-party alliance in the 2001 general election.

Third, although prime minister and BNP chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia proposed secretary general-level dialogue on September 14, yet the talks could not be started before October 5. Parliament will stand dissolved on October 27. The BNP-led alliance government is scheduled to hand over power to the CTG on that day. The question remains whether it will be possible to arrive at a consensus on crucial issues and then take measures for their implementation in this short period of time.

Last but not the least, the media reports reveal that Begum Khaleda Zia will go to Saudi Arabia in the second-half of the second week of this month to perform umrah. On the other hand, Sheikh Hasina will leave for the US on October 12 and she is expected to return home immediately before the Eid-ul-Fitr that falls in the fourth week of this month.

The secretary general of BNP and the general secretary of AL need constant guidance from their party chiefs for conducting their talks. What happens if there is no consensus on crucial issues before both Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina leave the country?

Now the question that arises is: "What are the steps that need to be taken by both sides for the success of the on-going dialogue?"

Firstly, BNP and its partners in the government must realize that reforming the CTG, the EC, and electoral laws have, more or less, become the demands of the people. So, BNP and its partners must give up their rigid stance and have to agree to any proposal that may require amendment(s) to the constitution.

Above all, the constitution is for the smooth functioning of democracy in the country. It may be mentioned in this connection that the constitution of India is one of the most frequently amended constitutions in the world. There have been a total of 93 amendments to the constitution of India, as of 2006. India is not only the largest democracy, but is also one of the vibrant democracies in the world.

Secondly, if there is a workable consensus on the crucial issues, and amendment(s) to the constitution is necessary to implement the consensus, then Parliament should be summoned on a short notice before it stands dissolved for the passage of the concerned amendment(s) to the constitution.

Thirdly, as long as the dialogue continues, the prime minister and the leader of the opposition shall not issue statements accusing each other's party of any issue. They shall also refrain from using the language of threats. Such statements or threats can vitiate the atmosphere of the dialogue and stall the progress of talks.

Fourthly, the prime minister and the leader of the opposition shall have to postpone their expected visits abroad regardless of whether they are for religious purpose or otherwise. Both leaders owe it to their parties as well as to the nation to guide their respective secretary general/ general secretary to arrive at a consensus on the crucial issues. Their presence will also be instrumental in implementing the decisions that are mutually made.

Fifthly, the political parties, which have representation in Parliament but have been excluded from the dialogue, should also encourage both sides to reach a consensus so they can also benefit from a successful dialogue between the two major parties.

Lastly, the media has to play an active role in influencing the high command of both sides to take a positive attitude as regards the dialogue.

To conclude, there is no alternative but to arrive at a consensus on the crucial issues. Failure of the dialogue will put our hard-earned democracy at stake. Both sides must realize it, and the sooner the better.

M Abdul Latif Mondal is a former Secretary to the Government.