Extremism and our faltering institutions

Mode of governance
One may wonder if due to the government's turning into a mammoth organisation it has been nearly impossible to get anything done, and whether instead of organising systems at the macro-level, our ruling classes relish using power at the micro-level. To our dismay, it is the reality in Bangladesh that the public's right to information is not legally guaranteed and the mode of governance is "cabalistic" in nature. Quite often major decisions are taken by a few people without a wider discussion. The cabinet, parliamentary party, and the parliament all appear redundant.

Accountability has almost disappeared from our system in both the regulatory and the so-called development segment. When the British colonial masters were at the helm of affairs they evolved a system of inspection and supervision which in present day administrative jargon is called monitoring and evaluation. Everyone was responsible to the next higher functionary and the delinquents were taken to task. That is not the way it is today. Our system is status-quo oriented, shuns new ideas, and discourages innovation. Presentation of new ideas is often instantly discredited and the political bosses are warned of dire consequences. We rest on adhocism and our system survives on a day-to-day approach. It is not proactive and simply reacts to a situation.

The lack of accountability and cabalistic nature of governance has given rise to incompetence and corruption. Only the insiders know about the lamentable level of incompetence that has seeped into our system of governance. Along with this the element of cronyism has now been almost institutionalised. In the recent past thousands of people have been recruited in education, regulatory outfits, and constitutional bodies in utter disregard of rules and regulations. The corrupt courtiers have become the link between the rulers and the ruled. In the process, we have provided space to people in the system who have abused it for promoting religious fanaticism and retrogade thoughts.

The ruling mindset
Our ruling elite and public servants, as a class, are autocratic. Their hatred of dissent and intolerance of a different view brings in its wake arrogance. The insularity of the authority makes them more insufferable. The consequent process of arbitrariness does not permit discussion of different aspects of an issue or problem.

As against the desired institutional development we now believe in patron-client relationship. A "rentier culture" has been created where it is understood that wealth is created through political power and not by enterprise and innovation. The distinction between public property and private gain is blurred.

Another unsavoury feature is a contempt for the rule of law. There is a dislike of people who point out rules, regulations, precedents, and conventions. Sadly, there is a preference for functionaries who are pliable and corrupt but claim to produce results.

Our politicians are mostly rhetorical and believe in using meaningless jargon, platitudes, and slogans. Therefore, we now have a situation where there is a strange combination of a supposedly free economy but strong interventionist policies by the powerful coterie and the dominance of political leaders who are controlling levers of financial and bureaucratic power and using banks, development financing institutions, and all such other institutions to their advantage. Concentration of power in the hands of a few has taken its toll. Misgovernance and economic mismanagement has resulted in the marginalisation of weaker groups and the brutalisation and de-humani-sation of our society.

It is against this frustrating politico-administrative background that one has to look at the rise of the so-called religious extremism in Bangladesh for containing and ultimately eliminating the perfidious elements from our body politic.

Political short-sightedness
That there was a threat of violence and subversion from some religious outfits and institutions was abundantly clear from the first quarter of 1999. The attack on eminent poet Shamsur Rahman, the planting of extremely high-powered bombs at meeting place and helipad in Kotalipara under Gopalgonj district where the then Prime Minister had official programme, the discovery of huge explosives and bomb making materials at Sonar Bangla Soap Factory at Gopalgonj owned by Mufti Hannan (now in custody), the attack on Communist Party meeting at Paltan Maidan and at the Bengali New Year cultural function at Ramna Park, to mention a few, were credible evidence to the steadily growing mischief making potential of the extremist groups.

In addition, there was credible information about some apparent charitable and voluntary bodies which were receiving funds from abroad for activities that were doubtful and could not be satisfactorily explained. The fact that some such body has now been asked to close their activities in Bangladesh and that the expatriates from Middle Eastern and African countries working in those organisations have now left is clear testimony to their association with Bangladeshi elements believing in un-constitutional ways of achieving their socio-political objectives.

There are matters in connection with the above which for its sensitivity cannot be discussed in this write up, at least for the present. It would perhaps be prudent to comment that the entire government existing in several compartments, as it normally does in a democratic dispensation, could not be fully sensitised regarding the potential and actual threat scenario. This is not unusual if, in particular, one remembers that those bomb throwing miscreants gained momentum in the penultimate year of the preceding political government. In circumstances like that, most political governments in the sub-continent cannot plunge headlong into the incident and go all the way to pursue the fugitives. There are many calculations to make and differing priorities requiring attention. Intelligence and enforcement operatives could not be effectively decisive.

It would, however, be less than correct to say, as has been reported in media, that there was no appreciation of the extremist-related violence during the previous political regime. This is evident from the banning of two extremist outfits by the present government, against whose involvement in violent activities sufficient evidence was collected in 2000-2001. This observation is further supported by the now sensational confessional disclosures of Mufti Abdul Hannan who was the principal charge-sheeted accused in the Kotalipara bomb incident and other related explosive substance cases.

It may be interesting to note that again in the penultimate year of a political government the so-called religious extremist and obscurantist elements have decided to strike.

Whether such elements have flourished due to the support and encouragement of ruling parties and the establishment may be a matter of probe, but the threatening reality is that they have not been under effective surveillance. The determination and deadly attack at the state apparatus with attendant panic are adequate proof of the unhindered growth and sustenance of persons and organisations who want to upset the constitutional way of life. Our failures are manifest reality.

The way forward
The enemy combatants are now known. So there should not be any hesitation in venturing into sensitive and emotionally aligned places and institutions when reasonable suspicion and information so dictate. This is necessary to effectively shake off the suspected ambivalence of the enforcement personnel. The directives should be very clear and explicit. This aspect assumes special significance in view of the opposition allegation that the government has a politically biased view about the threat scenario. Therefore, let not political expediency cloud the corrective action.

The so-called religious extremism has not sprouted with its ugly fangs all of a sudden. So we should not be expecting instant solutions. However, deft political management ensuring pragmatic operational handling on an urgent basis can definitely lessen the harmful impact and energise the mainstream to counter the frontal attack on our democratic polity.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is a former Secretary and IGP.