How long this politics of confrontation?

By A B M S Zahur
28 April 2004, 18:00 PM
We are passing through a highly unstable political situation. We do not know what may happen in days ahead. Strangely enough, even in such an uncertain situation we hear that we may be attaining the stage of a mid-level developing country by 2020 (if we agree to export gas). But what is the actual situation today? Has the BNP been able to fulfil even a fraction of its major commitments it made during the election? Are we to believe that our development effort can be made successful even in a highly undesirable law and order situation by a politicised, corrupt and an inefficient administration in a criminalised political environment? Despite all its defects and deficiencies our private sector has been able to face such dangerous and deplorable problems even though our business community is reported to be panicky because of constant threats from terrorists. It is indeed regrettable that so far the government has miserably failed to provide adequate protection to our business community. Our intellectuals are also shattered because of dastardly attack on an eminent scholar like Dr Humayun Azad. Our minority communities are reportedly shaken by oppressive stance of majority community on microscopic minority like Ahmediya. It is true, some of us believe that it was a right step for Pakistan to declare Ahmediya as non-Muslims in 1974. But lack of adequate attention to repression of Ahmediya may tarnish the image of Bangladesh as a tolerant Islamic country. Will it be worthwhile to lose the good name?

Muslims of Bangladesh are perhaps relatively more devout than Muslims in other Islamic countries. Their attitude is more secular than many other Muslims because they are living with members of other major religious communities like Hindus, Christians and Buddhists for a long time. Their education system is also an important factor. However, there is an urgent need for modernisation of madrasa education to bring the pupils of madrasas closer to modern world.

In his quest for forming a political party to contest the Awami League at the political level Ziaur Rahman had to accommodate the members of certain parties who were virtually discarded by the common people though he himself was a distinguished freedom fighter with secular outlook. Among these parties the most organised were the Muslim League and the Jamaat-e-Islami. Needless to say that Zia had to concede certain privileges to these parties to gain their support. After the assassination of Zia the BNP had to face a tough time following the military coup by H M Ershad. It would not be a travesty of truth if we say that the Awami League received better treatment from Ershad compared to the BNP members. It was apparently due to Khaleda Zia's leadership and determination that the BNP not only survived but became fully capable of challenging the Awami League. It may be pointed out that under Khaleda Zia the party has assumed the colour of a civilian political party believing in multi-party democracy.

But despite its huge size and popularity the BNP perhaps has not yet attained maturity and as such lacks in clear political understanding. In its zeal to capture power it made a large number of commitments in its election campaign. The major and most sensitive commitments were restoration of law and order and eradication of corruption. With the unsavoury need for compromise and adjustment the alliance government started operating with a 60-member cabinet (the present number is 51). This has resulted in huge expenses, dilution in quality and delay in decisions.

It has become a common knowledge that the present government has failed to improve law and order situation. It also could not make any headway in eradicating corruption. In addition people are suffering badly due to unprecedented price hike of essential commodities. The patch work of shifting the home minister to the charge of the ministry of commerce and the resignation of an able minister has hardly improved the situation.

So long money and muscle rule Bangladesh politics we see no hope for any reduction in corrupt activities. So long politicisation of bureaucracy goes on the extent of corruption in bureaucracy can never be controlled.

It appears that the government is in a fix as to how to fulfil its pre-election commitments. Politicisation of police has made it almost totally ineffective. No amount of improvement in infrastructure, logistics or training can improve their performance so long as the police force is not allowed to work neutrally. If, as an experiment, the government allows the police force to work without political interference, I am sure they would be capable of showing their effectiveness even with the existing resources. Our experiences of the ninety days' caretaker government lead us to believe that our police force (which fought so valiantly against the occupation soldiers) has not lost its capability.

The government is certainly aware of the bad effect of criminalisation of politics. Law and order will not improve if political interference is not stopped. The other day we saw a news item on the helplessness of a superintendent of police. He has been threatened of kidnapping of his sons and daughter by terrorists. AN EPZ chief had to lose his life to the terrorists. The terrorists are forcing into passport office to grab blank passports. The chief of an NGO has been alleged to be a dishonest man. His whole office is not allowed to work indirectly by the government which loudly claims of being development oriented. This is a part of existing state of affairs in the country.

We hear that government is taking necessary measures to increase the capability of administration. The government itself admits that bureaucratic inefficiency is a great impediment to successful implementation of policy decisions. Our implementation of policy decisions is considered as poor while politicisation of bureaucracy is largely responsible for poor performance. The reported contemplation of government about appointing some senior retired government officials at high salaries on contract basis to raise the level of bureaucracy will be meaningful if such officials (a) receive full cooperation from the existing personnel and (b) proper respect is shown to their knowledge and experience. These officials must point out the problems that may be anticipated in implementation of the respective policy decision. In pointing out the problem they may also suggest partial modification/revision of the policy decisions. It is, however, desirable that changes are made before the implementation. If changes are made at or during the implementation stage, implementation is not only delayed unduly but lots of complications may also occur.

The role of opposition appears to be tricky. They are, however, united on one point i.e. resignation of the government. Awami League is pressing for mid-term election. The alliance government do not see any good reason for their resignation which means they do not accept that they have failed to run the government. As usual Awami League has adopted the strategy of observing hartal, holding mass rallies and resorting to perhaps other means to dislodge the government.

The Bikalpa Dhara or Oikya Prochesta has not yet shown any clear strategy to enter the movement. From such a situation it may be assumed that this unrest would continue for quite some time and we may have to suffer for an indefinite period.

We do not see any possibility of lessening money and muscle power in politics. No administrative reform can be expected soon. No brake in politicisation is apparent. It may not be incorrect to anticipate threatening phone calls to deputy commissioners, customs officials and income tax officials for compromise with terrorists or their agents. Even kidnappings of these officers or their wards may not be ruled out.

A government cannot run on sham publicity suppressing hard facts and gagging opposition or on blessings from any outside power or powers. One cannot dream of good governance in such a situation. Only drastic steps, which will certainly hurt a large number of sycophants or touts, can alleviate the nation from any impending catastrophe. We do not expect that after attaining such a popularity this government would continue to remain a silent observer till the administration collapses. Let us wait and see.

A B M S Zahur is a retired Joint Secretary.