Let the election observation business be stopped

Nor is there any apparent sign of removing the wide differences between the government and opposition over the reforms of caretaker government, EC, and election system.

Rather, the political situation in the country is gradually becoming more tense. One would not be very surprised if the existing conflicting political state of affairs suddenly gives rise to a tsunami-like mass explosion in the country in the coming two to three month's time.

True, the political parties have not halted their preparation for the election in spite of conflict, bloodshed, and uncertainty. But despite all these preparations, it can be said without any hesitation that without understanding and unanimity between the two principal parties, no desirable election can be held in Bangladesh.

Whatever be the uncertainty in the internal political situation centering round elections, the traders in the election observation business are not sitting idle. The self-appointed attorneys for election observation of the country, armed with finance from abroad, have been perspiring with their vast preparation for the last more than one year.

Crores of taka will be spent for the observers to certify whether the election to be held in Bangladesh is fair and acceptable. The Asia Foundation and various donor agencies, through local NGOs registered in Bangladesh, will perform this great task.

Foreign representatives of various international organizations will also come to observe the election directly. The European Union and an agency of the UN have also announced their intention to observe the election.

Recently, the "election observation" affair has been established as an international phenomenon. Specially in developing and undeveloped countries whose democracy has not taken deep root and where a reliable election system has not grown up, the international election observation arrangement has been recognized as a practice.

The presence of observers will discourage fraud and coercion in the election and the certificate or opinion of the observers will give legitimacy to the government of the wining party -- this is the idea working behind the observation system.

Due to the absence of dependable election system, we have accepted in principle the observation system since 1996 parliamentary election. So the question of opposing the presence of neutral international observation teams in the ensuing election does not arise.

On the other hand, the experience of our observation of local government election is not a very happy one. Rather this motivated observation-trade has proved to be an impediment to free, fair, and neutral elections.

In our country, election observation was first started in 1986 during the national parliament election. At that time, a few local and foreign observers performed the duties of mobile observation in a limited way.

Organized observation started in 1990 during the upazilla elections. With the return of parliamentary democracy after the termination of autocratic rule in the country, some 30,000 local and about 4,000 foreign observers, on behalf of various civil organizations, observed the national assembly elections in 1991 and 1996.

We have no documentary data to show how far our election system has been benefited by this observation or to what extent the faults and deviations detected in the eyes of the observers have been corrected. But the local private organizations have fully enjoyed the sweet taste of the vast amount of money spent for these observations and have been able to transform this observation system into a lucrative business for raising income.

In one jump, the number of observers rose to 500,000 in 2001 election from 30,000 in 1996 election. Seventy-five private organizations got the official recognition of the Election Commission as election observers. And when observers certified the fraudulent election of 2001 as free, fair, and neutral, we don't fail to understand as to what type of spectacles were worn by these observers.

In the 1991 and 1996 parliament elections, the observers had to face many limitations and restrictions. But in the election of 2001, the observation matter was shamelessly politicized.

Though the EC and NGO Bureau framed eight-point conditions and a set of rules, in reality, these were flouted by the EC itself. Lakhs of officials of local organizations applied to the district returning officers for permission to work as observers, and observers of many organizations were given permission on party consideration.

The returning officers tried to keep the number of observers within limits. But in the meantime, the BNP-Jamat ring-leaders behind the caretaker government succeeded in convincing the chief adviser and the chief election commissioner of the necessity of bringing the matter of appointment of election observers to the direct control of the EC office, in blatant contravention of the set rules. But the objection raised by one election commissioner in this regard was rejected.

The Awami League also opposed this process. The Awami League raised questions about the neutrality of fourteen private organizations who were supporters of the four-party alliance, and demanded, in clear terms, that they be barred from official observation. But the EC, again in contravention of the set rules, turned a deaf ear to this demand.

Rather, the EC itself, breaching its own conditions and rules, took over the responsibility of appointing observers from the jurisdiction of district returning officers. Even before the last moment of election, the EC had no list of observers as per the rules. Only three days before the election, in great haste, on 48 hours' notice, lakhs of identity cards were printed and distributed among seventy-five private organizations.

The EC allowed the observers to take identity cards indiscriminately, without caring to require picture, names, addresses, educational qualification, age, etc of the observers. And with these identity cards issued in the name of various organizations, the BNP-Jamaat cadres threateningly roamed each election centre. They approached even up to the polling booths and influenced the presiding officers, raising false allegations against the agents of the Awami League and forcing them to leave the booths.

These so-called "observers" acted as faithful cadres of BNP-Jamaat. The EC cannot even tell as to whom they allowed to work as observers and where. Election Commission and NGO Bureau had no record to show whether or not the observers were without party affiliation, whether or not they had any connection with the organizations in whose names they were given accreditation, whether or not they had any idea about the responsibilities, duties, and rights of the observers, and how many observers were allowed to work.

The leaders in Hawa Bhavan and the intelligence agencies have built up an election observation network of their choice much earlier this time. To our knowledge, the formalities for appointment of observers belonging to the syndicates of the private organizations, under the direct or indirect control of the ruling alliance and its allies, have been almost finalized.

Like last election, this time also the foreign donor agencies have taken the move to provide Tk 80 crores to finance the local private organizations and election observer groups through the Asia Foundation.

It is gathered from a reliable source that although the responsibility for selecting NGOs rested on the chief of the organization, but in this regard the program adviser, who has links with BNP, played the principal role. As a result, many experienced NGOs have not been selected for election observation work. So the question has been raised in various quarters regarding this selection of election observers.

In the meantime, an election working group has been formed with thirty-five private organizations to observe and monitor elections. Investigations have revealed that out of these thirty-five organizations, at least twenty-four are direct supporters and associates of the present alliance government.

It is a fact that although the election working group was formed to ensure free and fair elections, none of the member organizations, in spite of the High Court judgement, has raised any single voice against the illegal role being played by the EC in the work of updating the voter list. No comment or anxiety has been noticed from the working group to the fact that preparation of a correct voter list is a pre-condition for a fair and meaningful election.

We are, of course, not at all, surprised at this. Because the leading organizations of the workers group, namely Khan Foundation, Democracy Watch, Odhikar, Lighthouse, and FEMA are all directly linked to the alliance government.

The chief of Khan Foundation is the wife of an alliance government minister, and the director of Democracy Watch is the wife of one of the PM's pre-eminent mouth-pieces. The director of Odhikar recently left the job of attorney general of the alliance government and the present attorney general is its executive director. Naturally, a question may arise as to how loyal attorneys of a party can be neutral. Bogra-based Lighthouse is blessed by the son of the prime minister. The control of FEMA is also with alliance supporters now.

These organizations were directly involved in the implementation of the blue-print of the four-party alliance during the 2001 general election. That is why objections were raised and formal protest letters were sent by the Awami League to the EC, the caretaker government, and even the president, against these organizations.

The opposition parties are justifiably fearing that the four-party alliance will this time use these so-called election observers with a view to engineering the election. Since twenty-four organizations out of thirty-give of the working group are under the influence of the four-party alliance, there is no possibility of neutral election observation and monitoring by the local observers.

In the meantime, an executive committee has been formed consisting of eleven organizations. Out of these, the heads of seven organizations are known to be associated with BNP politics. Of these organizations with party blessings, six have been given observation duty in twenty-two constituencies each and one for ten constituencies. These decisions were taken in the executive committee.

From the rest, ten will be given five constituencies each and eighteen will be allotted six constituencies each. There will be a spokesman for these NGOs. Final process has also been made to give the responsibility of the spokesman to the head of Democracy Watch, which is supported by and has close links to, the alliance government.

Indeed, if the caretaker government, EC, and administration play their role fairly neutrally, there is no necessity for the election observation certificate. But as this observation-trade is linked with the re-instatement of the four-party alliance government and at the same time gaining of a vast amount of money from the foreign donors, the so-called local observer-group and four-party alliance will not want the discontinuation of this observation-business.

But we think that associating the local observers will call a free and fair election into question. So we feel that those political parties, members of civil society, and good citizens who want free and fair elections should come forward in order to stop this election-trade of the local private election observer organizations.

Lest there be any misunderstanding about these observations of mine, I want to emphasize in clear terms that we have no objection to any observers from EU, US, UN, or SAARC countries, and other reliable international election observers. It is our earnest desire that they should start observation and monitoring from the very beginning of the enrollment of voters and cover the whole process of election, and detect the flaws, faults and mistakes, if there be any. But we have already observed that the alliance government has not allowed the EU or Tuesday Group to hold an assembly on election affairs.

The international election observation groups are being discouraged and obstructed from pre-election observation. It has been learnt that the foreign lobbyists appointed during the present government are also being engaged in election observation. They have been working to restrict the influx of foreign observers to the minimum. And it has been gathered that they have been successful in a limited way. Still, we hope that international election observer groups will get a chance to work freely.

Lastly, we feel that there can be no greater observer and preserver of election results than the people of Bangladesh. In the Chittagong mayoral election, it was not the official observers but the lakhs of people of the city who protected the election result and their voting rights. In the future also, only the organized strength of the people can help holding of free and fair elections and of protecting the result.