Needed experimentation in police
The real dimension
The crux of the problem is the failure of our police to try new methods and approaches when conventional methods fail to deliver. They might claim to have attempted that by creating elite or rapid deployment forces and increasing the number of police stations. Giving more power to the police is yet another approach. The question is, have the elite forces succeeded in controlling crime or have the periodic increases in the strength of the police helped in controlling crime? There is, however, a continuous demand for an increase in the number of police personnel.
The essence of the conventional approach is to have more manpower, more vehicles, more arms and ammunitions, more powers, or a special cadre of police personnel. For a change, can we try to improve things with less arms and ammunitions and less powers?
Taking stock of ground reality
If we take stock of the prevalent situation, we will find that the main problem with the police is that they have lost the trust and confidence of the people. There is a general sense of alienation and fear mixed with hatred. This has given rise to an adversarial relationship between the police and the people. Even after 34 years of independence, the people have no sense of participation in the process of governance. They are mere chattels, who have no self-respect or dignity. They can not demand protection or security as a matter of right. They can at best request, beseech, or beg. The patron-client relationship continues -- albeit in a worst form. The general people do not consider the law enforcing institutions as their own. Now a stage has reached when people are afraid of two entities in equal measure -- the police and the criminals.
Addressing the issues
The highhandedness, inaccessibility, incompetence and callousness of the police are undoubtedly matters of extreme concern because our police are not dealing with people as friends. The police, in the Indian sub-continent including Bangladesh have no tradition of serving the community and understanding its needs. One reason of such attitude is that our police force is organised on the Royal Irish Constabulary model as against London's Metropolitan Police model. We have not made a beginning to change this model in order to humanise the force. Instead, we have moved in the reverse direction. Our police have become more brutal.
The modus-operandi and misuse
Our police force works under archaic laws and procedures. The Police Act was promulgated in 1861 and the police regulations first came into force in 1934. These laws were good enough for rural districts. They gave the police unlimited powers of arbitrary arrests, which are a legacy of colonial rule but they do not equip them with the tools to grasp the complexities of urban crime and investigation. As a matter of fact, powers to arrest arbitrarily and enter any premises without a warrant have hampered the growth of police skills in scientific detection and investigation of crimes.
We all know that since independence, successive government have used the police to harass and intimidate their political opponents. When we politicise the police and use the force as the main instrument of coercion, it naturally changes its outlook, behaviour and attitude. At the same time, it has far-reaching implications for its working and efficiency. Everyone admits that there is no substitute for an independent, neutral, non-partisan, humane and professional police administration but what is done in practice is quite the opposite.
The need for experimentation
The time has come to have a fresh look at the way the police function in our country. The entire problem of law and order needs to be examined from a sociological angle. It is no more an administrative problem. For the sake of experimentation, we should try some innovative ideas. Instead of creating an elite force which may be successful in some areas for some time, a proposal can be made by the Home Secretary and Inspector General to select one district for carrying out an experiment. The first condition demanded for the successful implementation of this new approach will be that there will be no political interference in the working of the police. The IGP will be free to select a committed, upright and hardworking officer to run the district in a proper professional manner. The officer must be allowed to work at his post without interruption for a least three years and select his own team.
The basic departure from the conventional approach would be that in the pilot project area, the confidence of the community would be regained; people liaison committees would be formed in each police station; physical condition of all police stations would be improved. The living conditions of the policemen in the police lines would be improved by providing them basic amenities. The number of police personnel would be reassessed and their unnecessary duties curtailed. Communities and other institutions would take up some of the responsibilities in consultation with the police. For all these steps not much additional funds would be required. If additional money is needed, the community including trade bodies, industrialists etc would be willing to contribute, provided there is an assurance that things would improve. This is not the question of finances. This is an attitudinal and management problem.
The time has come for us to clearly understand and openly debate the issue that--
i. We have more police than we professionally need;
ii. From the current allocation we can definitely spend more on training, and
iii. Within the given resources we can improve the working of the police stations, which are the basic units of police administration.
Administrative imperatives
The procedures and yardsticks for allocating funds for the maintenance of police stations need to be changed immediately. The quantum of contingent expenditure for police station should increase manifold so that police do not task the complainants to bring their own stationery when they come to the police station to lodge reports or pay for it. Those who argue that the basic requirements of the police station cannot be met because of the shortage of funds should look at the steep rise in the overall budget in the last decade and the number of escort cars and other paraphernalia in use of higher officers.
At another level, a study needs to be carried out to update and improve the Police Act and regulations made thereunder. The Police Act of 1861 does provide a sound conceptual framework and is adaptable to contemporary needs. However, unless the police is allowed to perform their duties in a truly professional manner without political interference, nothing will change. As a matter of fact, there is a glut of laws. What we need is updating of old laws and their implementation in a fair and free manner. If this principle is accepted, half the problem will be automatically resolved.
Political directions
The political executives should control the police but at the operational level the district and divisional level commanders and more importantly the officers in charge of police stations should be left alone. They should be asked to produce results, failing which action should be taken against them. Police officers become helpless creatures once the chain of command, departmental hierarchies and internal controls are broken. The last straw on the camel's back is the sidelining of honest, hardworking and committed officers, which conversely means that the highly corrupt, incompetent and pliable people manage to have postings of their choice using political clout and influence pedaling.
Our policy force, in many ways, is a victim of circumstances. We, as a nation, especially the ruling elite, are responsible for the incompetence and resultant criminalisation of the police. For a long time we have failed to treat the policemen as human beings. If we want an improvement in the deteriorating situation we must ensure his dignity. The statutory controls over excessive and arbitrary powers of police should be exercised firmly and justly. Let us have a slim, small, but truly professional force.
The hard-boiled critics may comment that this writer has grown wise only after retirement. To such a criticism, the answer is that while in service, some of us ventured to adopt a structured approach in police management. We prepared a three-year strategic plan for the police organisation of Bangladesh. The reasons of our not being able to achieve the desired objectives is another story to be told later. However, our inability should not deter or debar others to benefit from our observations and experiences, especially now when the police organisation needs clearer direction.
We can make a beginning by involving communities in helping police in some areas and sharing some of the responsibilities in an experimental district as suggested herein before. If we want police reform and would like to emphasise on a culture of observance of law then we should experiment with new approaches and on the basis of their results, lobby for institutional changes. The next course of action would be to seek a consensus among the important segments of society and exert pressure on ruling elite to support these changes. If we can start the process, it will not be easy to reverse it.