No reason we cannot
Indeed, democracy in the country, by that reckoning, should be somewhere in its early youth. It should be steaming ahead, growing from strength to strength each passing year. But reality shows a picture which is quite the opposite: democracy, if anything, is floundering. It is floundering because it is continuously under attack from the very forces and institutions that are supposed to nurture and strengthen it.
The country has a government riddled with corruption and inefficiency; a dysfunctional parliament and an Election Commission that finds more pleasure in problematising the electoral process than in making it smooth. Add to this the endemic violence, religious extremism and persecution of religious minorities. This last is particularly worrisome, since respect for other religions is a fundamental principle of a democratic society.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel. What compounds the problem is the administration's tolerance of -- and in many instances, active support to -- the persecution of religious and ethnic minorities in the country. The saga of the Hill people is a long and tragic one. The Ahmadiyas are fighting a losing battle just to keep their heads above water. And other minorities fare no better.
After the BNP-Jamaat coalition won the general election in 2001, the country witnessed a vicious persecution of Hindus throughout the country, particularly in the southern districts. Throngs of BNP-Jamaat activists swooped down on Hindu households and business concerns, looting and plundering. Hindu men were physically assaulted, and in some cases, killed, and the women raped.
The administration failed to come to the aid of the victims since the perpetrators were from the ruling coalition. The media gave wide coverage to the violence, but hardly anyone was ever brought to justice. And, as is the tradition with the media, their interest gradually waned as new stories kept emerging. And with a new government in place there was no shortage of hard news. Soon, the violence against the Hindus was forgotten as "yesterday's news."
The fact that we have decided to forget the incidents shows what is seriously wrong with our practice of democracy, as indeed with our whole mindset. The persecution of the Hindus was not simply an act of political vendetta -- which would be reprehensible by any standard of judgement -- but was something more deep rooted and pernicious. It was a revival of the brand of communalism that was practiced in Pakistan times, and is still practiced in that country and in India. Its roots lie in sectarian prejudices and ignorance.
Acts of political revenge are not concentrated against a particular minority community, as are hate campaigns fuelled by religious fanaticism. The persecution of Hindus was also symptomatic of a "get-rich-quick" mindset that saw looting and the expropriating of others' properties as a sure way of getting there. The looting of Hindus' property in 2001 was an early warning that the perpetrators would move out to greener pastures once they were through with the first round. Today, there is absolutely no sector in Bangladesh that is safe from the looters' hands.
If a detailed investigation into the sociology, psychology, politics and economy of the 2001 persecution of Hindus was missing so far, a book by Mohammad Rafi has substantially filled the gap. Rhetorically titled Can We Get Along the book proposes to be "An Account of Communal Relationship in Bangladesh," but is actually more than that.
It examines the whole spectrum of pre and post election violence in Bangladesh, detailing the nature and incidents of violence -- on families, on communities, on individuals. It looks into the history, sociology and other such issues related to the violence; raising questions of complicity not only of political parties but of non-political entities such as rural communities; and finally posing the question: "Can we get along?"
Mohammad Rafi, an active and contributing member of the Research and Development Wing of BRAC, has put into place, what appears to be a dependable and extremely effective methodology. The information on the violence against Hindus was collected, he informs us: "from BRAC staff working at field offices  BRAC has 1,150 field offices covering 89 per cent (60,000) of the villages in 99 per cent (460) of subdistricts in the country."
A network of checks and balances was in place to ensure that the information was authentic before the writer could use it. The writer also provides case studies, mentioning the place and time of each interview. Contrary to the practices usually followed by writers of such sociological accounts of current events, Mohammad Rafi has added an entire chapter on "Concept [of violence], Theoretical Framework and Methodology." One wishes that the book began with this chapter (it is placed rather uncomfortably between the chapters "Communal Relationship" and "Composition of Religious Minorities"), since it establishes the authenticity of both the theoretical and applied aspects of the book.
Mohammad Rafi's book has three broad areas of focus: (a) the pre-and post-election violence (2001), (b) the often problematic nature and history of communal relationship in the country and the need for getting along, in spite of setbacks. The first area of focus is a very urgent one. By starting with an investigation into the 2001 violence, Rafi has revisited some of the most shameful and alarming events of our recent history, and alerted the readers to the possibility of their recurrence, unless of course, corrective measures are taken immediately.
The second area of focus is largely an academic one that sets the communal relationships in a Bangladesh perspective. As one reads through the history of such relationships, one sees clearly how politics, material greed and deep-seated sectarian hatred had contributed to the widening gulf between the minority and majority communities.
The academic nature of this particular investigation means that concepts and terminologies are often laboriously explained, but one sees that this is necessary if only to arrive at a historical and sociological understanding of the problems leading to communal violence. Once this understanding has been achieved, it is easy for the reader to see the 2001 violence not simply as an act of "political revenge," as a section of the media had put it, but the result of an interconnected web of causes -- from a revival of Pakistani-style communalism to a growing frustration against India in certain quarters for which the Hindus are made scapegoats.
In the larger historical and other contexts that the book sets for the 2001 violence, some questions become pertinent. If the political system, particularly our decade and a half old democratic system, has failed to protect the minorities and if our administrative system has increasingly imposed exclusionary policies on them, have the minority-majority relations any real chance of returning to pre-1975 levels? How will the government respond to the minority communities' sense of exclusion and alienation? How will the state fulfil its constitutional obligation of protecting them? What alliance can the civil society and the minority communities forge to safeguard their interest? And, very importantly, how do we instill a sense of belonging in the minority community?
Mohammad Rafi seems to believe that the majority and minority communities can indeed get along. But for that to happen there should be a paradigm shift in the way both sides look at the problem. He places a great deal of emphasis on a rethinking of the concept of nationalism which should have a secular, rather than an Islamic, basis.
He also suggests that efforts should be initiated by the Muslims for greater integration of the minorities, and frustration against India should be neutralised. Mohammad Rafi stresses on a greater role of the government in preventing violence against the minorities. He also sees a greater role for the donors and NGOs in safeguarding minority interests. And above all, he wants the minorities to be more vocal and more assertive about their roles.
Mohammad Rafi's research has been painstaking. The large number of tables and appendices point to exhaustive field work and a scientific base of the research. It is a courageous work that has focused on an area where not many researchers like to venture.
But the book's virtue is that it has brought out all the facts (including many that the media looking only for "news value" might not find or ignore) and laid them out front for us to face.
Mohammad Rafi's study has been an unbiased one, aimed only at bringing home some disturbing truths. It will be to our, and the nation's peril to ignore them. Can We Get Along expects us to be aware of them and also to act on them. Only by collective action based on the principles of democracy, ethics and common humanity can the communal relationships improve in Bangladesh.