Revival of upazila parishad will help elect clean candidates

This lends credence to the following issues: (1) the BNP-led alliance government does not allow the main opposition AL to speak on burning national issues in the parliament; (2) executive functions given to MPs by certain executive orders have taken precedence over the functions and responsibilities assigned to them by the constitution and rules of procedure of parliament (ROP); and (3) involvement of the MPs in development works and non-development activities in their respective constituencies have made the office of the MPs very lucrative financially, socially and otherwise.

As ordained by the constitution and the ROP, the main function of the MPs is making laws in parliament. The other functions include: electing a president of the republic; impeaching the president; electing a speaker and deputy speaker of parliament; removing the speaker or the deputy speaker; making/amending the ROP; asking questions in parliament; moving a resolution relating to matters of public interest; and participating in the meetings of the parliamentary standing committees on ministries concerned to investigate or inquire into their activities.

Out of sheer political animosity, the BNP government that came to power in 1991 with the reintroduction of parliamentary democracy abolished the upazila parishads (UZPs) introduced by Ershad government in the first-half of the eighties. Headed by a directly elected chairman, a UZP became the focal point of local administration. A UZP was responsible for the administration of the "transferred subjects" which included, inter alia, planning, promotion and executions of development programmes, primary education, health and family planning welfare, various rural infrastructure programmes, and many other functions that could be carried out at the local level.

It is not that the upazila system was flawless. But the system was abolished before its teething troubles were over. Kamal Siddiqui in his book "Local Governance in Bangladesh" (2000) writes: "When the BNP government came to power in 1991, the general expectation was that the upazila system would be retained, the existing upazila chairmen would be removed and fresh elections would be held to bring into power genuine representatives of the people. Instead of doing this, the government unfortunately chose to abolish the upazila system, lock, stock and barrel. It was like throwing the baby out with the bath water."

We are familiar with the saying that there cannot be two peers (religious leaders) under the same roof. The abolition of the UZPs, in particular the exit of the directly elected chairmen, paved the way for the entry of the MPs to the stage. Through various administrative orders, the MPs were made advisers to the upazila development and coordination committee (UDCC) and to some other committees of specific nature.

In the absence of the UZPs headed by the elected chairmen, the MPs have become all powerful in their respective constituencies. An MP must have the last say in all developmental matters within his/her constituency. Local administration has practically surrendered to the MPs, particularly to the MPs belonging to the ruling alliance. Involvement of the MPs in development works brings them money. Muscle can easily be arranged with money. Both money and muscle dominate the elections.

Realising its mistake in abolishing the UZPs, the BNP in its 2001 election manifesto pledged revival of the UZPs. But the pledge has not been implemented. There is hardly any possibility for revival of the UZPs during the remaining days of the BNP-led alliance government. It is learnt that a section of ministers and lawmakers strongly oppose revival of UZPs, fearing that it will lessen the authority of the MPs.

The immediate past AL government passed the upazila parishad act, 1998, for holding elections to the UZPs; but an amendment brought to the act in 2001 by the AL government gave power to the government to defer elections to the UZPs. The AL led 14-party opposition coalition has now pledged to hold elections to the UZPs within a year of formation of government, if voted to power.

A closer look into the media reports shows that various seminars, symposia, workshops, etc held on local government institutions have been stressing the need for revival of the UZPs. While observing a token hunger strike in the capital on May 3, the Bangladesh Union Parishad Oikya Jote (BUPOJ) demanded immediate elections to UZPs.

An elected UZP with jurisdiction over formulation and implementation of development projects, management of primary education, health and family welfare and other activities at the local level will be the centre of all attraction. Corrupt politicians and holders of black money will fight for the office of the UZP chairman to take precedence over all other persons in his upazila and to recoup the money spent in the election.

As result of fighting for the posts of UZP chairmen by the corrupt politicians and the holders of black money, the political parties, particularly the major parties, may find no alternative but to field clean candidates in the general elections. Anyhow, people well known for their honesty, erudition and competence may find a level playing field for contesting in the parliamentary elections in their constituencies. This may be a big leap forward towards achieving the civil society's objective of nominating honest and competent persons in the general elections by the political parties.

Abdul Latif Mondal former secretary to the government.