Suicide bombers: Why do they do it?

Professor Pape has the advantage of being able to draw from a comprehensive international database developed by the Chicago project. The project and the book are indicative of the value that can be gained from having well-supported academic terrorism research centres. They can do the kind of in-depth analysis that intelligence agencies do not generally have the time, inclination, or resources to undertake.

Pape's book looks at the growing suicide-terrorism that has plagued many countries in recent years, including the recent bombings on London's transportation system.

The author explains in his book why suicide terrorism has come to be the chosen methodology, the strategic logic of suicide terrorism and those who commit it, and the individual logic and demographic profile of suicide bombers. He concludes by proposing a practical strategy for the future.

Pape believes that going into Afghanistan was the right thing to do for the Bush administration after 9/11 to deny al-Qaeda a sanctuary in Afghanistan, but he strongly believes that all of those gains were squandered by the decision to invade Iraq.

Political not religious motivations
Pape does not engage in a partisan debate. Rather he lays out the facts and evidence and draws obvious logical conclusions. He believes it is difficult for a terrorist group to continue suicide attacks once it has attained its main objective, citing the example of Hezbollah not continuing suicide attacks against the US, France, or Israel once they had withdrawn from Lebanon.

He believes that suicide attacks have political objectives, and that once the objectives are achieved, they do not continue. Furthermore he argues that when a weaker party, with no matching arms and ammunition against an opposing party, finds that injustice cannot be remedied through conventional means, they go to the last resort of suicide attacks. Suicide attackers think living and dying has no difference for their situation as they have been pushed to the wall from where they cannot get out of the intolerable situation.

He notes that contrary to popular belief, today's suicide bombers are not mainly depressed, lonely individuals on the margins of society, nor are they religious fanatics. In fact, he says, most are socially integrated, productive members of their community. That is why ordinarily neighbours are surprised that persons who looked normal and sensible in the community have turned out to be suicide attackers. All the London attackers of July 7 were normal people, belonged to middle class, some were students and one was a teacher.

Most are walk-in volunteers who are not long-time members of a terrorist organisation. They are often "cleanskins" as was the case of the London suicide attackers. Most join the cell only a matter of months before they conduct an operation. They don't necessarily hate Western values or Western society, but they are angered by the West's strategic and foreign policies.

Pape's thesis is that Bush's America has misread the primary motivation of suicide attackers. The faulty premise being that suicide terrorism, and al-Qaeda terrorism in particular, is mainly driven by an evil ideology based on Islamic fundamentalism. Tony Blair also came out with this belief after the London bombings and denied any link with the Iraq war in which he took Britain along with the US to invade Iraq in March 2003.

Pape asserts that since 1980, more than half the suicide attackers have been secular, and nearly all have not been about religion, (for example, Tamil Tigers or Irish Republic Army) but about a specific strategic purpose, namely to compel a country to withdraw their military forces or occupation from territories. He cites that until 2004, Tamil Tigers have carried out 76 suicide attacks in Sri Lanka and outside, more than Hamas (54) in Israel. He has also demonstrated that suicide attacks are not confined only to Islamic militants.

US policy and suicide bombers
The author underscores that suicide terrorism today correlates with US military occupation of countries or where the US supports dictators and one-party rulers. This is in turn frustrating for those seeking political change. They may come from working classes or from middle classes like the London bombers of July 7 or the 9/11 attackers.

Ironically, almost all the suicide terrorists attacking the US or Britain come from countries that are allies of the West (it is reported that by far the largest proportion of suicide bombers by nationality in Iraq are Saudis, coming across the border from Saudi Arabia, not al-Qaeda fighters coming in through Syria). Iraq had no history of suicide attacks before the US invasion.

Pape argues that a long-term solution in political terms is imperative, and the military occupation should cease for the "spread of freedom and democracy." Democracy cannot be imposed on a country from outside. It has to grow from within a country and it depends on history, culture, societal structure, and presence of educated class. Tribal loyalty is not an ideal basis for democratic values as the West understand it. Most of the countries in the Middle East belong to tribal-based society, and it is difficult to forge strong bonds of nationalism, disregarding tribal loyalty.

He recommends the best US solution as one of returning to a policy of "offshore balancing," while the US works towards winning heart and minds of people in the Middle East. He believes a return to that policy of "soft power" as distinct from "hard power" that would secure US interests without spawning a new generation of suicide attackers.

Conclusion
Professor Pape has shown with convincing evidence that the stereotype profiling of suicide bombers is wrong and that the war on terrorism cannot be fought the way the US and Britain have been waging it.

Pape argues against what President Bush and Prime Minister Blair have been saying about the mind-set and motivations of suicide attackers. He suggests what is required is that political leaders should change their strategy and steer a bold new course for international peace and stability. In recent days, in an interview with BBC, Afghanistan's President Hamid Karzai voiced similar sentiments.

Barrister Harun ur Rashid is a former Bangladesh Ambassador to the UN, Geneva.