Following the collapse of the government, reports began to circulate of attacks on temples, establishments and persons belonging to minority groups (that is, those of non-Bengali and non-Sunni Islam origins). News of these attacks themselves began to be weaponised, by regional and international interests, in a bid to reinforce the illusory narrative set by the Awami League.

Anu Muhammad discusses the people's aspirations for equality, the ambiguity around 'discrimination,' and the challenges faced by the left in Bangladesh. From class and gender inequality to ethnic and religious discrimination, this conversation highlights the crucial issues we must address to build a just society.

Our people opened a new horizon of possibilities and demonstrated what it means to be active citizens. In the days of chaos following the fall—with no police and the army happy to sit back—they took on traffic regulation, protected their neighbourhoods, and organised a massive relief effort for the flood victims. They did all this without command and with no thought of reward other than a functioning state. The jury is still out on what they have received in turn.

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

The use of cartoons in mass uprisings is a long-standing tradition, but the sheer volume of cartoons created in the last 20 days of July 2024 seems to be unprecedented in the country’s history. Many of these cartoons were produced by entirely new cartoonists, some of whom may have been drawing their first political cartoons. Yet, their work displayed a level of sharpness, awareness and expertise that belied their inexperience.

August 5, 2024 is two months behind us. That’s a much longer time than between citizens demanding the authoritarian Hasina step down and her actually fleeing. Yet, for many people, July-August 2024 will always shadow their present. Even by the end of August, pretty much all the beds of the ground floor casualty wards at the capital’s National Institute of Traumatology and Orthopaedic Rehabilitation (NITOR) were occupied by those injured during the student-led movement. The wards at the National Institute of Opthalmology & Hospital (NIOH), too, were filled with those who had received severe injuries to their eye(s) during the movement.

Eye-witnesses would describe that as early as mid-day the police were shooting at protesters breaking curfew and trying to go to Shahbagh. When Hasina fell and Gono Bhaban was taken over, the protesters turned on the police. The police were armed—the protesters were not. Even though the government had fallen, they trooped out and shot everyone in sight.

How a student's movement for reform of the quota system for government jobs turned into a mass upsurge against a fascist government and led to the fall of Sheikh Hasina after 15 years in power

When students took to the streets on July 1, 2024, demanding reforms of the quota system, they did not imagine that this movement was about to rewrite the history of Bangladesh.

We have done the unthinkable—bring down a dictator—only to realise that the fascism within the body politic—and within ourselves—is much harder to dislodge than a once-invincible regime. If we are to do better as a nation than we have in the past, we must do the hard work of looking inwards and collectively figuring out the root causes of our dispossession and deprivation.